Estuary English is an English dialect or accent associated with South East England, especially the area along the River Thames and its estuary, centering around London. Phonetician John C. Wells proposed a definition of Estuary English as "Standard English spoken with the accent of the south-east of England" but criticised the notion that the spread of language from London to the southeast was anything new. The name comes from the area around the Thames, particularly its Estuary. Estuary English can be heard from some people in London, north Surrey, Kent, south Hertfordshire and Essex. Estuary English shares many features with Cockney, and there is some debate among linguists as to where Cockney speech ends and Estuary English begins.
The variety first came to public prominence in an article by David Rosewarne in the Times Educational Supplement in October 1984. Rosewarne argued that it may eventually replace Received Pronunciation in the southeast. Studies have indicated that Estuary English is not a single coherent form of English; rather, it has some of the phonetic features of working-class London speech spreading at various rates socially into middle-class speech and geographically into other accents of southeastern England.
The names listed above may be abbreviated:
- Estuary English → EE
- London Regional General British → London General, London Regional GB, London RGB
Status as accent of English
The boundary between Estuary English and Cockney is far from clearcut. Several writers have argued that Estuary English is not a discrete accent distinct from the accents of the London area. The sociolinguist Peter Trudgill has written that the term "Estuary English" is inappropriate because "it suggests that we are talking about a new variety, which we are not; and because it suggests that it is a variety of English confined to the banks of the Thames estuary, which it is not. The label actually refers to the lower middle-class accents, as opposed to working-class accents, of the Home Counties Modern Dialect area". Peter Roach comments, "In reality there is no such accent and the term should be used with care. The idea originates from the sociolinguistic observation that some people in public life who would previously have been expected to speak with an RP accent now find it acceptable to speak with some characteristics of the London area... such as glottal stops, which would in earlier times have caused comment or disapproval". Foulkes & Docherty (1999) state "All of its [EE's] features can be located on a sociolinguistic and geographical continuum between RP and Cockney, and are spreading not because Estuary English is a coherent and identifiable influence, but because the features represent neither the standard nor the extreme non-standard poles of the continuum".
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Estuary English is characterised by the following features:
- Use of intrusive R: pronouncing /r/ in places that etymologically no /r/ is present to prevent consecutive vowel sounds. For instance, drawing is pronounced /ˈdrɔːrɪŋ/.
- Presence of several vowel splits:
- Wholly-holy split, so wholly /ˈhɒʊli/ is pronounced differently from holy /ˈhəʊli/.
- Foot-strut split so foot /fʊt/ does not rhyme with strut /strʌt/.
- Trap-bath split so trap /træp/ has a different vowel to bath /bɑːθ/.
- Another split that has been reported is the THOUGHT split, which causes board /bɔːd/ to be pronounced differently from bored /bɔəd/. /ɔː/ (phonetically [ɔʊ] or [oː]) appears before consonants, and /ɔə/ (phonetically [ɔə] or [ɔː]) appears at a morpheme boundary. However, Przedlacka (2001) states that both /ɔː/ and /ɔə/ may have the same monophthongal quality [ɔː].
- T glottalisation: the non-initial, most-commonly final /t/ is a glottal stop instead of an alveolar stop: can't (pronounced /kɑːnʔ/).
- Yod-coalescence, the use of the affricates [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ] instead of the clusters [dj] and [tj] in words like dune and Tuesday. Thus, the words sound like June and choose day, respectively.
- Realization of non-prevocalic /l/ different from that found in traditional RP; four variants are possible:
- L-vocalisation, the use of [o], [ʊ], or [ɯ] in places that RP uses [ɫ] in the final positions or in a final consonant cluster: sold (pronounced [sɔʊd]). In London, that may even occur before a vowel: girl out [ɡɛo ˈæoʔ]. In all phonetic environments, male London speakers were at least twice as likely to vocalize the dark l as female London speakers.
- According to Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), the vocalized dark l is sometimes an unoccluded lateral approximant, which differs from the RP [ɫ] only by the lack of the alveolar contact.
- Coda /l/ pronounced as clear [l], as in most accents of Irish English. Przedlacka (2001) notes that in her study, "all four Essex speakers have a clear [l] in pull." In New Zealand English, word-final clear /l/, as opposed to usual in that variety vocalised [ɯ], has also been reported for some speakers. A reverse process, clear [l] realised as dark [ɫ], has not been reported in Estuary English.
- Alternation between the vocalized [o ~ ʊ ~ ɯ], dark non-vocalized [ɫ] and clear non-vocalized [l], depending on the word.
- It has been suggested that th-fronting is "currently making its way" into Estuary English, for example those from Isle of Thanet often refer to Thanet as "Plannit Fannit" (Planet Thanet).
- Vowel changes:
- /iː/ (as in FLEECE) can be realised as [iː], [ɪi] or [əi], with the first two variants predominating. Before the dark l, it is sometimes a centering diphthong [iə].
- /uː/ (as in GOOSE) can be realised in many different ways, such as monophthongs [ʏː], [ɪ̝ː], [ʉː], [ɨː], [ʉ̠ː], [u̟ː] and diphthongs [ɘɵ], [ɘʏ], [ʏɨ] and [ʊu]. Front pronunciations ([ʏː], [ɪ̝ː], [ɘʏ] and [ʏɨ]) are more often encountered in female speakers. Before the l, it is always back.
- /ʊ/ can be central (rounded [ʊ̈] or unrounded [ɪ̈]) near-front [ʏ], or simply near-back [ʊ], as in RP. Only the last variant appears before the dark l.
- /ɔː/ (as in THOUGHT), according to Przedlacka (2001), can be pronounced in two different ways: diphthongal [oʊ] in closed syllables and [ɔə] or [ɔ̝ə] in open syllables and monophthongal [ɔː]. According to Parsons (1998), it is either [ɔʊ] or [oː] before consonants, and either [ɔə] or [ɔː] at a morpheme boundary.
- /ʌ/ (as in STRUT) can be realised as [ɒ], [ʌ], [ɐ], [ɐ̟] or [æ], with [ɐ] being predominant. The first two variants occur mostly before /ŋ/. The last two variants are more often used by females.
- /æ/ (as in TRAP) can be realised as [a], [a̝], [æ], [ɛ̞] or [ɛ]. A somewhat retracted front [a̠] has been reported for some speakers in Reading.
- /əʊ/ (as in GOAT) may be realised in a couple of different ways. According to Przedlacka (2001), it is any of the following: [əʊ], [ɐʊ], [əʏ] or [ɐʏ]. The last two are more often used by females. She also notes a fully rounded diphthong [oʊ] (found in some speakers from Essex), as well as two rare monophthongal realizations, namely [ɐː] and [o̞ː]. According to Lodge (2009), Estuary /əʊ/ may be pronounced [ɑːɪ̯̈] or [ɑːʏ̯̈], with the first element somewhat lengthened and much more open than in RP and the second element being near-close central, with or without lip rounding.
- /eɪ/ (as in FACE), according to Przedlacka (2001), can be realised as [ɛ̝ɪ], [ɛɪ], [ɛ̞ɪ] or [æɪ], with [ɛɪ] and [ɛ̞ɪ] being predominant. According to Wells (1994), it can be realised as [eɪ], [ɛɪ], [æɪ], [ɐɪ] or [ʌɪ].
- /aɪ/ (as in PRICE) can be realised as [aɪ], [a̠ɪ], [ɑ̟ɪ], [ɒ̟ɪ], [ɑɪ] or [ɒɪ].
- /aʊ/ (as in MOUTH) can be realised as [aʊ], [aʏ], [æə], [æʊ] or [æʏ]. [a] denotes a front onset [a], not a central one [a̠].
- Vowel mergers before historic /l/:
- /iːl/ (as in REEL) merges with /ɪəl/ (as in REAL).
- /ɔɪl/ (as in OIL) merges with /ɔɪəl/ (as in ROYAL).
- /aʊl/ (as in OWL) merges with /aʊəl/ (as in VOWEL).
- Other possible mergers include the following:
- /iːl/ (as in FEEL) can merge with /ɪl/ (as in FILL). Since /ɪəl/ merges with /iːl/, it also participates in this merger.
- /uːl/ (as in POOL) can merge with both /ʊl/ (as in PULL) and /ɔːl/ (as in PAUL).
- /eɪl/ (as in VEIL) can merge with both /æl/ (as in VAL) and /aʊəl/ (as in VOWEL).
- /ɛl/ (as in WELL) can merge with /ɜːl/ (as in WHIRL).
- /aɪl/ (as in CHILD'S) can merge with /ɑːl/ (as in CHARLES).
- /ɒl/ (as in DOLL) can merge with /ɒʊl/ (as in DOLE).
Despite the similarity between the two dialects, the following characteristics of Cockney pronunciation are generally not present in Estuary English:
- H-dropping in stressed words ([æʔ] for hat)
- Monophthongal ([æː] or [aː]) realization of /aʊ/ (as in MOUTH).
Estuary English is widely encountered throughout the south and the southeast of England, particularly among the young. Many consider it to be a working-class accent, but it is often used by lower middle classes as well. In the debate that surrounded a 1993 article about Estuary English, a London businessman claimed that RP was perceived as unfriendly and so Estuary English was now preferred for commercial purposes.
Some people adopt the accent as a means of "blending in" to appear to be more working class or in an attempt to appear to be "a common man". That affectation of the accent is sometimes derisively referred to as "Mockney". A move away from traditional RP accents is almost universal among middle-class young people.
The term "Estuary English" is sometimes used with pejorative connotations: Sally Gunnell, a former Olympic athlete who became a television presenter for Channel 4 and the BBC, quit the BBC, announcing she felt "very undermined" by the network's lack of support after she was widely criticised for her "uninspiring interview style" and "awful estuary English".
- Kentish dialect
- Sussex dialect
- Multicultural London English
- List of dialects of the English language
- Regional accents of English speakers
- "Estuary English Q and A - JCW". Phon.ucl.ac.uk. Retrieved 2010-08-16.
- Joanna Ryfa (2003). "Estuary English - A controversial Issue?" (PDF). Retrieved 2 April 2015.
- "Rosewarne, David (1984). ''Estuary English''. Times Educational Supplement, 19 (October 1984)". Phon.ucl.ac.uk. 1999-05-21. Retrieved 2010-08-16.
- A handout by Wells, one of the first to write a serious description of the would-be variety. Also summarised by him here .
- Gimson (2014:81–82)
- "Phonetics at Oxford University". Retrieved 17 May 2015.
- Gimson (2014:82)
- Such as Wells (1982)
- Wells (1982:302–303)
- Such as Gimson (2014)
- Gimson (2014:89)
- Maidment, J. A. (1994). "Estuary English: Hybrid or Hype?". Paper presented at the 4th New Zealand Conference on Language & Society, Lincoln University, Christchurch, New Zealand, August 1994. University College London. Retrieved 2009-04-21.
- Haenni, Ruedi (1999). "The case of Estuary English: supposed evidence and a perceptual approach" (PDF). University of Basel dissertation. University College London. Retrieved 2009-04-21.
- Trudgill (1999:80)
- Roach, Peter (2009). English Phonetics and Phonology. Cambridge. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-521-71740-3.
- Foulkes & Docherty (1999:11)
- Estuary English: A Controversial Issue? by Joanna Ryfa, from universalteacher.org.uk
- Parsons (1998:39)
- Przedlacka (2001:43)
- Ashby (2011)
- Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996:193)
- Przedlacka (2001:45)
- Bauer et al. (2007:101)
- Altendorf (1999)
- Przedlacka (2001:42)
- Przedlacka (2001:43–44)
- Wells (1994)
- Lodge (2009:174)
- Altendorf & Watt (2004:188 and 191–192)
- Altendorf & Watt (2004:188). They list [a], [a̝] and [æ].
- Altendorf & Watt (2004:188)
- Przedlacka (2001:44)
- Lodge (2009:175)
- Crystal (2003:327)
- Crystal, David. "RP and its successors". BBC. Retrieved 12 April 2011.
- Jo Knowsley (15 January 2006). "BBC undermined me so I quit, says Gunnell". The Mail on Sunday. Retrieved 2009-04-21.
- Altendorf, Ulrike; Watt, Dominic (2004), "The dialects in the South of England: phonology", in Schneider, Edgar W.; Burridge, Kate; Kortmann, Bernd; Mesthrie, Rajend; Upton, Clive, A handbook of varieties of English, 1: Phonology, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 181–196, ISBN 3-11-017532-0
- Altendorf, Ulrike (1999), "Estuary English: is English going Cockney?" (PDF), Moderna Språk, 93 (1): 1–11
- Ashby, Patricia (2011), "The l-vocalization trend in young London English speech: growing or declining?", English phonetics, English Phonetic Society of Japan, 14–15: 36–45
- Bauer, Laurie; Warren, Paul; Bardsley, Dianne; Kennedy, Marianna; Major, George (2007), "New Zealand English", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37 (1): 97–102, doi:10.1017/S0025100306002830
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- Foulkes, P; Docherty, G (1999), Urban Voices, ISBN 0-340-70608-2
- Gimson, Alfred Charles (2014), Cruttenden, Alan, ed., Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.), Routledge, ISBN 9781444183092
- Ladefoged, Peter; Maddieson, Ian (1996). The Sounds of the World's Languages. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-19814-8.
- Lodge, Ken (2009), A Critical Introduction to Phonetics, Continuum International Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-8264-8873-2
- Parsons, Gudrun (1998), From "RP" to "Estuary English": The concept 'received' and the debate about British pronunciation standards (PDF), Hamburg
- Przedlacka, Joanna (2001), "Estuary English and RP: Some Recent Findings" (PDF), Studia Anglica Posnaniensia, 36: 35–50
- Roach, Peter (2009), English Phonetics and Phonology (4th ed.), ISBN 978-0521717403
- Trudgill, Peter (1999), The Dialects of England (2nd ed.), ISBN 0-631-21815-7
- Wells, John C. (1982), "4.2 London", Accents of English 2: The British Isles, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 301–334, ISBN 0-521-24224-X
- Wells, John C. (1994), "Transcribing Estuary English: a discussion document", Speech Hearing and Language: UCL Work in Progress, 8: 259–267
- Rogaliński, Paweł (2011), British Accents: Cockney, RP, Estuary English, Łódź, ISBN 978-83-272-3282-3
- Wells, John C. (2008), Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.), Longman, ISBN 9781405881180